၂၀၀၁ ေဖေဖၚ၀ါရီလ မွာျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ထိုင္းနဲ ့ ျမန္မာ လ်ိဳလ္၀ွက္စစ္ပြဲ အေၾကာင္းေရးထားတဲ့ေဆာင္းပါး၊
ဒီပြဲ မွာ ျမန္မာတပ္ အတီးခံရတယ္။ အေမရိကန္ ရဲ ့စစ္ေရးနည္းပညာေတြကို ထိုင္းေတြအသံုးခ်နိင္ခဲ့တယ္။
ဒီစစ္ပြဲ ရဲ ့ရလဒ္က ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ဟာ အထီးက်န္ ေပၚလစီရဲ ့အမွား သန္းေရြ ကို ဦးေဆာင္မူေပးထားတဲ ့
ျမန္မာ ့တပ္မေတာ္ အရာရိွေတြ ရဲ ့အားနားခ်က္ လို ့့ျမင္တယ္။ ေဆာင္းပါးကိုဖတ္ၾကည္ ့ ပါ စို ့-
Two RTAF F-5Es seen displayed with an asortiment of US-made bombs, including GBU-16s and LITENING-pods - during a graduation ceremony in 2001. The same aircraft and weapons were used against the Myanmari troops. (Albert Grandolini collection)
Summary
How much is the situation in Myanmar dependable on actions of country’s neighbours, but also how complex the situation in that country meanwhile is (in regards to relations between the regime, drugs, and different rebel organizations) was perfectly illustrated by a series of sharp clashes between Burma and Thailand, in February 2001.
In order to support the UWSA in its fight against the SSA, and help it establish the full control of the areas along the border to Thailand, the Myanmar Army launched an operation that was to result in the fighting with Thai military as well. While the Myanmar regime would not comment about these operations, meanwhile it is known that the fiercest series of battles was fought for the Thai Border Post 9631, mounted on a hilltop one kilometre inside Thailand, at Ban Pang Noon, in the Mae Fae Luang district, on approach to the Mae Sai, a city some 440 miles away from Bangkok, in the northernmost tip of Thailand. The exact reasons for the attack on this border post remain unclear: some Thai sources indicated that the Myanmaris attacked the Border Post 9631 – garrisoned by 20 Tahan Pran Militia troops – either “by accident”, while pursuing Shon guerrilla, or in order to get a good fire-base for their artillery attacks against the nearby Shon positions. It is interesting to note, however, that this attack came on the evening of Friday, 9 February 2001, when most of the Thai military was on a leave. In fact, the unofficial sources within the Thai Army indicated that the attack was undertaken by no less but 900 Myanmar troops and 600 UWSA militiamen, and that its objective was to remove the Thais from a position from which the Myanmaris could smuggle drugs into Thailand. In the past, namely, the local commander of the Tahan Pran was several times offered money to let their convoys with drugs pass, but he refused all such offers (in fact, he should have told the Myanmaris to, “go feed fish” with their opium).
Regardless the backgrounds, the Tahan Pran detected the approaching Myanmaris in time and put up stiff resistance, holding out for four hours, killing 14 out of some 200 Myanmari attackers, and injuring another 30, while losing two dead and eleven wounded. After almost running out of ammunition, however, they had to pull out and the Post 9631 fell into Myanmari hands. Having taken all their injured with them, the Tahan Pran were relatively easy to pursue by the enemy, and a short running engagement developed until the 3rd Cavalry Regiment of the Thai 1st Armoured Division started a rescue effort. Having the Post 9631 in their hands, the Myanmaris actually needed no more fighting, but their intention was to use the post and the surviving Tahan Prans as a bait for a trap they attempted to set up for any intervening Thai unit. As the Tahan Pran held out longer than anticipated, however, their plan was spoiled, as instead of deploying their troops on the flanks on the main threat route, the Myanmaris were forced to involve their reservers in the fighting.
On 10 February, the Thai 3rd Cavalry Regiment assembled a battalion-sized task force from a part of a mechanized infantry battalion armed with M-113A-3 APCs, an infantry company and a company of M-60A-3 MBTs. The unit was put under command of Capt. Songkarn Nilphan, and instantly sent on its way. Approaching Mae Sai on the same evening, the Nilphan’s force counterattacked the Myanmaris that were still busy fighting the Tahan Prans. The Cavalry charged forward, hitting the enemy hit very hard, forcing them to retreat back towards the border, leaving 17 dead and 60 injured behind. The Thais had only seven wounded.
On the morning of 11 February, the Myanmar Army responded in strength, deploying three regiments supported by Chinese-supplied T-69 tanks and artillery into an attack against Mae Sae, the local military Headquarters, and the adjacent satellite communications site. The Thais first concentrated on repulsing the main column, engaging T-69s with their M-60A3s, and subsequently by RTAF F-5s, which flew several strikes armed with LGBs, after starting from the Chiang Mai AB. Later on Sunday, Thai forces were reinforced by some self-propelled artillery (M-109s) and several batteries of even more powerful guns, including some GCN-55s, and the remaining two Myanmar columns were stopped as well, after suffering some heavy losses in dead, injured and captured soldiers. While the whole 3rd Thai Army was mobilizing and deploying reinforcements towards Mae Sai, the RTAF continued mounting intensive strikes, hitting Myanmar positions and supply columns. Late on Sunday afternoon, the final counter-attack by Thai troops drove Myanmaris out of Thailand, re-capturing the Border Post 9631. There an injured Tahan Pran officer - previously assumed dead - was found alive.
Meanwhile, the fighting between Thai and Myanmari forces was reported also from a hill some two miles west of the city of Thachilek, which is separated by a canal from Mae Sai. Also, a RTAF UH-1H helicopter underway on a supply mission over Mae Aye was damaged by gunfire from the ground and forced to land. The crew was not injured.
At 19:30h local time, a cease-fire was agreed. This was generally accepted, but sporadic fighting continued as the Myanmaris were bringing in 2.000 fresh troops from Kengtung to Tachilek, together with some heavy weapons. Especially the artillery was involved in the sense of duels over the border and some additional strikes by RTAF aircraft. The RTAF Chian Mai AB was the main base for all Thai air operations during this battle, and the Royal Thai Air Force units deployed there proved highly successful in operations against Myanmar. RTAF fighters have flown up to 70 combat sorties between 10 and 12 February, including a LGB-strike against a Myanmar artillery battery placed on the Golf course at Thachilek. This mission was flown by one F-5F and three F-5Es. The F-5F was equipped with the Israeli Litening nav/attack and designation pod: the WSO in the F-5F designated the target, while his pilot tried to fly steady – while remaining out of range of air defences. The three F-5Es closed from different sides at a high speed and tossed two six 2.000pds Paveway LGBs each into the acquisition basket before disappearing the other way. The Myanmar anti-aircraft fire was reported as "light", and none of Thai aircraft was hit or damaged. According to Thai sources, except for at least a dozen of Myanmar troops, at least five civilians were killed and ten injured during this attack as well.
Thursday, 13 December 2007
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BurmaNet News: February 22, 2001
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Subject: BurmaNet News: February 22, 2001
From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
Date: Thu, 22 Feb 2001 08:22:00
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
February 22, 2001 Issue # 1742
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________
INSIDE BURMA _______
*Asian Wall Street Journal: Guerrilla Warfare-- Requiem for a Resistance
*Jane's Defence Weekly: Myanmar installs new naval radar
*AFP: Myanmar "persists" in use of forced labour: unions
*Radio Australia: Crashed Burmese helicopter being salvaged
*Myanmar Times: Myanmar defends accusations over border skirmish
*AFP: Myanmar accuses Thailand of aiding drug traffickers
REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*UPI: Thai general warns of war if Burmese forces intrude
*The Vancouver Sun: Edging toward war: Drugs and land disputes spur
military battles between Thailand and Burma
*AFP: Cambodia doesn't need a Suu Kyi: Hun Sen
*Xinhua: Thai Defense Minister Blames Border Tension on Meeting
Suspension
*AFP: Myanmar needs external help to curb drugs, says UN body
*India Today: Myanmar-- General Partners
ECONOMY/BUSINESS _______
*Myanmar Times: 8pc growth this year: forecast
OPINION/EDITORIALS_______
*The Gazette (Montreal): Burmese deception
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
Asian Wall Street Journal: Guerrilla Warfare-- Requiem for a Resistance
Feb. 13, 2001
By Sam Dealey
The Asian Wall Street Journal via Dow Jones
KAWTHOOLEI, Burma -- Perhaps the most bizarre episode in the history
of resistance against Burma's repressive military junta ended three
weeks ago when legendary teen Karen twins and rebel leaders, Johnny and
Luther Htoo, turned themselves in to Thai security forces in Ratchaburi
in the rugged foothills that separate Thailand from Burma. But the rise
and fall of their God's Army wasn't the handiwork of the notorious junta
alone. Rather, it was Rangoon's unholy alliance with the Thai government
and foreign oil companies that ultimately led to the demise of one of
the most feared and enigmatic Karen groups to have fought for a
federated Burmese republic since World War II.
The origin of God's Army lies in a controversial pipeline project -- a
four-way partnership launched in 1993 by France's Total,
California-based Unocal, the Petroleum Authority of Thailand and the
state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. The $1.2 billion project,
expected to fill the cash-strapped junta's coffers with $400 million
annually, called for a 36-inch-diameter pipeline stretching from the
Yadana natural gas field off the coast of Burma to a refinery in
Thailand. Trouble was, it had to pass through an active war-zone
tentatively held by the Karen National Union, the main Karen resistance
movement.
It was a recipe for conflict. Wishing to protect their investments,
Total and
Unocal employed Burmese troops for security. To the Karen, however, the
pipeline
was merely a pretext for further incursions into their ethnic homeland
by the
junta's troops.
But this time the Burmese government had the sanction of Western
businesses
and governments. United States and Thai diplomats pressured the Karen
not to resist. According to General Saw Bo Mya, then KNU president, U.S.
officials in Bangkok told Karen leaders that an attack on the pipeline
would be considered an act of "terrorism" and result in an end to
humanitarian aid and food shipments to Karen refugee camps.
Thai authorities, too, threatened to cut off unofficial trade and
supply routes to the Karen inside Burma. The Tenasserim mountain range
is inhospitable land, unsuitable for growing food crops, forcing the
Karen to rely on Thai border guards to turn a blind eye to the smuggling
of food and other goods across the frontier. Hamstrung, the KNU agreed
not to resist. Meanwhile, Burmese troops charged with protecting the
pipeline swept through the area, attacking villages, subduing Karen and
forcing many of them into porterage. In just a few years, what was once
a Karen stronghold fell firmly under Rangoon's control.
Unocal and Total maintain that no human rights abuses, such as slave
labor or
forced relocations, occurred during construction of the pipeline. But
eyewitness
reports say otherwise, and a declassified U.S. embassy report of a May
1995 meeting with a Unocal executive shows U.S. officials weren't
exactly buying the companies' line. "We have heard other claims that
this kind of relocation sometimes takes place before foreigners arrive
on the scene to witness such abuse," the report said.
Neither did Unocal representatives acknowledge credible reports of
Karen press-ganged to work on related projects -- the building of roads
chief among them. "As {the Unocal official's} denial of company
responsibility for the forced road-clearing attests, it is impossible to
operate in a completely abuse-free environment when you have the Burmese
government as a partner," the embassy report concluded.
After four years of oppression, the local Karen were pushed to the
breaking point. Legend has it that after their village was attacked in
1997 to make way for the pipeline, the two 10-year-old twins, Johnny and
Luther Htoo, were inspired by visions to take up arms, and they
convinced seven Karen soldiers to join them. According to KNU leaders,
it was after a successful surprise assault, routing a full battalion of
the junta's shock troops, that the ranks of God's Army began to swell
with disaffected KNU soldiers.
Most accounts of God's Army have focused on the group's spiritual
teachings ? a blend of Christian piety and local animism. Certainly the
twins' band of followers developed some unusual beliefs. For instance,
they thought that if the tide of battle turned against God's Army,
angels would materialize to fight alongside them. The boy-prophets were
said to turn invisible at will and bullets bounced off of them.
Landmines purportedly were rendered harmless under their
feet.
This made for some colorful stories in the Western media which painted
the God's Army as either comicly fraudulent Christians or rabid fanatics
whose beliefs encouraged them to take up arms. But the band's own
religion was a symptom rather than a cause of its desperate fight for
survival. Christian Karen are Baptist and Presbyterian -- a legacy from
missionaries of the early 1800s ? but embattled villagers inside Burma
have long been cut off from the structured worship of the Karen in
Thailand's refugee camps. "Because they are so isolated and it's such a
desperate situation, they've deviated from standard {Christian}
practices," explained Jim Jacobson, a missionary who directs the
U.S.-based humanitarian outfit Christian Freedom International. "But
they truly believe that Jesus is their salvation."
After several more God's Army victories against government troops the
twins grew in mythic stature, so much so that the even the KNU
leadership expressed admiration for their fighting ability. But there
was a day of reckoning. It came when a dissident group of pro-democracy
activists from Rangoon, the Vigorous Burmese Student Warriors, took
refuge with God's Army in the hills after staging several terrorist
attacks against the junta. These included the Oct. 1999 seizure of the
Burmese embassy in Bangkok, in which hostages were freed in exchange for
safe passage back to Burma. That last act, which ended peacefully but
humiliated Thai authorities, placed God's Army firmly in the crosshairs
of both the Thai and Burmese governments.
Several months later, God's Army was tracked to a village on the
Burmese border, where they and innocent Karen villagers were pummeled by
Thai and Burmese artillery. (Thai military has claimed it was firing
only warning shots to keep the combatants at bay.) Ten members of God's
Army slipped across the border and laid siege to a hospital in
Ratchaburi, demanding that Thai doctors treat their wounded. Thai
security forces stormed the hospital and, according to
eyewitness reports, summarily executed them.
With threats renewed to cut off aid and food supplies, the KNU
distanced itself even further from God's Army. Thai military presence
along the border increased significantly, and shipments of rice
allegedly bound for the twins from sympathizers were confiscated. As
hunger set in, the ranks of God's Army dwindled. Rumors of infighting
seemed to be borne out in late December when a faction of God's Army
killed six Thai villagers, infuriating the Thai government. Starving and
unable to evade capture much longer, the Htoo twins turned themselves in
to Thai authorities with about a dozen child-soldier followers on Jan.
23. The twins say they would like to live with their mother in a Karen
refugee camp, but Thai officials are still weighing whether to press
charges.
With the twins' capture, the myths that grew up around them may
subside. But
it's likely other groups will form in the area, born of the desperation
of local Karen, attacked on all sides. The true origin of the God's Army
rebellion is not to be found in their strange mixture of Christian and
animist beliefs, but in the alliance of business and governments
determined to protect the natural gas pipeline at any cost. As the U.S.
embassy report suggests, there's little chance of creating an abuse-free
environment around a business venture as long as the Burmese government
is involved.
Mr. Dealey is an editorial page writer for The Asian Wall Street
Journal.
___________________________________________________
Jane's Defence Weekly: Myanmar installs new naval radar
Bruce Hawke JDW Special Correspondent
Bangkok
Feb. 21, 2001
Asian intelligence sources report that the Myanmar Navy has
installed a new radar station on St Luke's Island (also called
Zadetkale Island) at the southern tip of Taninthayi division
(formerly known as Tenasserim) situated opposite Thailand's Ranong
province.
Work on the station, carried out by Chinese engineers, began in
March 2000 and was completed early this year. The radar equipment
was procured from a Singapore-registered trading company, but its
origin is unknown. There are three islands near the new radar base
whose sovereignty are under dispute. Contradicting territorial
claims have produced regular clashes in the region between Myanmar
and Thai naval vessels, including at least two incidents late last
year during which shots were fired.
The coastal region is also a haven for smugglers and has rich
fishing grounds. Yangon has been complaining for several years that
Thai fishing boats operating out of Ranong are illegally trawling in
its territorial waters.
In a related development, the same source told Jane's Defence Weekly
that the Myanmar Navy has stepped up its operations since last
October with the intention of seizing Thai fishing boats operating
illegally.
The confiscated trawlers, so far numbering about 20, have been given
to a government-owned fishing company.
___________________________________________________
AFP: Myanmar "persists" in use of forced labour: unions
Bangkok, Feb 21
Myanmar "persists" in using forced labour, the International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) said in a report to the
International Labour Organisation (ILO).
"The junta has not taken any measures aimed at really putting an end to
forced labour," the confederation said Tuesday in a statement received
here.
"Even worse, the army and the administration tries hard to hide the
extent and nature of forced labour imposed on the population and
attempts to use propaganda, disinformation and lies to counter measures
planned by the ILO," said the Brussells-based confederation which claims
221 unions in 148 countries.
The ILO's governing body last November called on its members -- which
includes unions and employers besides countries -- to review their ties
with Myanmar over the issue, a move which threatened to increase the
sanctions load that has already helped cripple the economy.
The issue of international sanctions against Myanmar is on the agenda
for the next session of advisors to the UN agency on March 8 in Geneva.
The unions warned against "any slackening of pressure on Myanmar".
The Japanese head of the ILO regional office here, Yasuyuki Nodera, said
recently that Myanmar is expected to make progress in eliminating forced
labour this year.
"Expect progress in Myanmar," he said, adding that one of his top
priorities would be to send ILO experts to Myanmar to help stamp out
forced labor by changing laws and bringing the perpetrators to justice.
___________________________________________________
Radio Australia: Crashed Burmese helicopter being salvaged
Feb. 22, 2001
Burmese rescue workers have salvaged the wreckage of a helicopter that
crashed into a river killing the ruling junta's number four general Tin
Oo.
He was a key member of the ruling council, a 21-member group of army
officers who took power in Burma in September 1988 after crushing a
democracy uprising.
The Russian-made Mi-17 helicopter was dredged in two pieces from the
bottom of the Salween river where it crashed in bad weather on Monday
with 29 people aboard, 160 kilometres southeast of Rangoon.
A body was retrieved from the wreckage bringing the confirmed death toll
to five.
Troops are still searching for 11 people missing, including another top
general and a Cabinet minister.
A number of survivors are recovering in a military hospital in Rangoon.
___________________________________________________
Myanmar Times: Myanmar defends accusations over border skirmish
Feb. 12-19 issue
OPTIMISM about new, improved relations between Myanmar and Thailand
faltered last week as the situation along the uncertain border between
the two countries deteriorated through four days of armed clashes in
which there were casualties on all sides.The Myanmar Government said the
Thai Army had shelled legitimate tatmadaw positions on February 8, 9 and
11, and fired 10 rounds of heavy weaponry into the Myanmar town of
Tachilek, resulting in the loss of lives and property.Thai army leaders,
meanwhile, charged Myanmar with border incursions, and of opening fire
on the neighbouring Thai town of Mae Sai.
But Myanmar officials believed the Shan army had manipulated the latter
situation to disrupt the possibility of better Myanmar-Thai relations ?
which could have weakened the rebels? position.At a press conference
last week, army spokesman Col Kyaw Thein said: ?Our columns did not fire
heavy weapons into Mae Sai?.?Attaching great importance to the
friendship between the two Tatmadaws, our troops launched the attacks
(against the Shan insurgents) with great care,? the spokesman said. A
second Government spokesman said shells which exploded in Mae Sai during
fighting against the Shan Army, ?could be (the Shan?s) deliberate
attempt to create misunderstanding between the two neighbouring
countries?.?It is very clear that the direction of the shells that fell
into Mae Sai is not in the direction of where the actual fighting was
taking place on the Myanmar side,? the spokesman said.
Contrary to the Thais? claims, the Government has argued that it is the
Shan army, now led by Ywet Sit following the surrender of former drug
lord Khun Sa, which is engaged in high-level narcotics production.?It is
regrettable to learn that certain Thai media have portrayed Ywet Sit as
a Shan leader fighting for freedom,? the spokesman said.?The Thai Army
is treating Ywet Sit like a partner and giving the (Shan army) not only
moral support but physical assistance as well.?The (Shan army) has been
given not only bases and sanctuaries inside Thailand, but also artillery
support against the Myanmar troop positions.?The spokesman said the
?drug menace? which threatened both countries, and the continuation of
armed conflict along the border, could be defeated only through
Myanmar-Thai cooperation.?Then, our trade flourishes and our friendship
thrives,? he said.The Myanmar military has also denied the Thai
allegation that it crossed into Thai territory.
A spokesman said Myanmar troops had asked the Thais to vacate a hillock,
located parallel to another hill on which a Shan army camp had been
established on Myanmar territory.The Thais agreed, and withdrew, he
said.The spokesman said Myanmar soldiers were preparing to leave the
station when they were attacked by fire coming from Thai
territory.Myanmar is believed to have retained control of the hillock.
At the time of writing, fighting had ceased and the Thai-Myanmar
Friendship Bridge at Tachilek ? blockaded at each end by the respective
sides during the hostilities ? had been re-opened. Negotiations between
Myanmar and Thailand were underway.NEGOTIATIONS between Myanmar and
Thailand began on Thursday last week, held on both sides of the border
crossing between Tachilek in Myanmar and Mae Sai in Thailand.Earlier in
the week, both countries took diplomatic action in response to the
border incident.
Myanmar?s Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, U Khin Maung Win,
summoned new Thai Ambassador Oun Maolanon on Tuesday evening to register
the Government?s protest and to call for a peaceful resolution of the
issues.In Bangkok, Myanmar?s Ambassador U Hla Maung was asked to explain
his country?s involvement in events along the border. And Surapong
Jayanama, director-general of the Thai foreign ministry?s East Asia
Department, issued an official letter of protest on February 12. Both
sides have lodged claims for reparation for the destruction caused by
firing on towns in their respective territories; Tachilek in Myanmar and
Mae Sai in Thailand.New Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra ? whose
election and subsequent public comment had prompted expectations of a
new age in Thai-Myanmar cooperation ? cancelled travel to the conflict
area at the last moment on Wednesday, on the advice of regional Thai
army commanders
But he said he would visit Yangon as soon as possible after the
swearing-in, yesterday, of his cabinet. Mr Thaksin told Thai media he
could be accompanied by his coalition partner and likely new Defense
Minister, former PM Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh.The head of the New
Aspiration Party, Gen Yongchaiyudh was the first foreign dignitary to
visit Myanmar after the installation of the Tatmadaw Government in 1988,
when he was Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Thai Army. A Thai diplomat
in Yangon said on Friday that the visit had not yet been confirmed.
___________________________________________________
AFP: Myanmar accuses Thailand of aiding drug traffickers
YANGON, Feb 22
Myanmar criticised Thailand Thursday over recent border clashes with
ethnic rebels by saying Thailand had not been a 'good neighbor' as it
was aiding drug traffickers.
"Instead of lending us a helping hand in this task (of defeating the
rebels), they are assisting the drug traffickers...which threaten the
human race," the official New Light of Myanmar newspaper said.
The editorial comes in the wake of a raid Wednesday by ethnic Shan State
Army (SSA) insurgents who stormed a Myanmar military base near the Thai
border, killing one Myanmar soldier and taking a second prisoner.
Referring loosely to the "current situation," the paper hinted that the
Thai army was using the SSA to fight a proxy war, and that in the past
Myanmar had demonstrated "good neighborliness" by routing insurgents.
However, Thailand has not extended the same courtesy as there is
"undeniable historical evidence" that Thailand has assisted Myanmar
insurgents in the past, the paper said.
"If a country accepts insurgents rising against the government of
another country, there will certainly be fightings and bloodshed at the
border," it said.
"It is acceptable and realistic for a country to drive out the
insurgents of another country from its territory."
"If the country provides food and shelter to the enemy of another
country it is tantamount to receiving a thief," it said.
Thursday's commentary was one of several recently that have taken a
stand most clearly against Thailand's military rather than the
newly-installed government of Thaksin Shinawatra.
The renewed fighting between Myanmar and SSA troops has taken a toll on
Myanmar commodities, which have seen supplies dry up and prices spiral
upwards as the border tension increases, a Yangon source said.
The cost of goods transported across the Thai border has skyrocketed
nearly a hundred percent, the source said.
Scores of Thai troops have been sent to the border region in recent
weeks to guard against incursions by Myanmar troops, whose fighting
against ethnic rebels strayed into Thailand earlier this month.
___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
UPI: Thai general warns of war if Burmese forces intrude
Wednesday, 21 February 2001 2:52 (ET)
Thai general warns of war if Burmese forces intrude
BANGKOK, Thailand, Feb. 21 (UPI) - Thailand's military supreme
commander
has warned Rangoon that further incursions into Thai territory by
Burmese
troops could lead to war, the Bangkok Post reported Wednesday.
Supreme Commander General Sampao Chusri's warning reportedly was
submitted
on Tuesday to Burma's ambassador and military attaché to Thailand.
"We will not allow Burma to use Thai soil as a base for any military
operations, even if they ask for permission," General Sampao was quoted
as
saying.
He said further incursions by Burmese forces in pursuit of ethnic Shan
rebels would lead to strong Thai military retaliation and this could
lead to
war.
The two countries are ancient rivals but are today officially allies in
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
The warning came amid continuing tension along the two countries'
border
and a build-up of forces on both sides.
On Wednesday morning Thai military officers at the border said Burmese
troops clashed with rebels of the Shan State Army just inside Burma.
Small
arms fire was heard in the northernmost Thai town of Mae Sai and at
least
one Burmese soldier was killed, the officers said.
On February 11 Thai and Burmese border forces exchanged artillery and
mortar fire, resulting in the deaths of at least six civilians and an
unknown number of Burmese troops. Mae Sai, a popular tourist center and
market town, was evacuated briefly.
Burmese troops have on several occasions intruded into Thai territory
in
"hot pursuit" raids against Shan and Karen rebels.
General Sampao said talks between Thai and Burmese military
representatives along the border have bogged down. He said Burma
rejected a
Thai deadline on Tuesday for a pull-back of Burmese forces from a
disputed
area in Mae Sai district of Chiang Rai province, 435 miles north of
Bangkok.
Forces of the Rangoon military junta are currently on the offensive
against Shan rebels, who they claim are involved in the illicit trade in
heroin and methamphetamines.
But top Thai military commanders say the Burmese are cooperating with
ethnic Wa drug traders to corner the narcotics trade.
___________________________________________________
The Vancouver Sun: Edging toward war: Drugs and land disputes spur
military battles between Thailand and Burma
February 22, 2001
Jonathan Manthorpe
The two-decade-long era of peace and cooperation among the 10 countries
of Southeast Asia is under severe strain after a serious battle between
the armies of Thailand and Burma.
Both countries have moved heavy reinforcements to their border in the
"Golden Triangle" -- Burma's opium poppy-growing highlands -- after a
bloody battle 10 days ago in which scores of the Rangoon junta's
soldiers were killed.
In both Rangoon and Bangkok there is much chest thumping and sabre
rattling as years of mutual frustration bubble up into rumours of war.
Whether these tensions now boil over into conflict -- something
Southeast Asia has not seen between countries since Vietnam's 1979
invasion of Cambodia and, peripherally, its border war with China in
1986-87 -- seems to be in the hands of fate and happenstance.
The timing of the clash between Thailand and Burma itself breeds
uncertainty. It came as the new Thai government of Prime Minister
Thaksin Shinawatra was easing itself into office after last month's
election.
This coincides with a tussle for power among the generals in the Burmese
military regime.
Thaksin's victory owed much to an appeal to strong nationalist
sentiments among Thais.
Those instincts have been goaded into widespread anger against the
Burmese regime in recent months over the targeting of young Thais by
drug producers and traffickers operating out of the Golden Triangle.
Hundreds of thousands of Thai young people, mostly children of the
influential middle class, have become addicted to a form of the drug
"ecstasy" being smuggled in from factories in the Golden Triangle
operated by drug lords of the United Wa State Army, an ethnic minority
under the patronage of the Rangoon junta.
The purposeful targeting of their children has outraged Thais, who in
the last 40 years have been largely successful in eradicating their own
historic opium poppy growing, heroin addiction and trafficking problem.
Soon after the addiction epidemic became apparent Thailand moved some of
its best military units up to its jungle-covered, mountainous northern
border with Burma.
Rumour quickly began to surface that Thailand was employing mercenaries
and allies on cross-border raids to destroy drug tablet factories.
Most persistent are reports that the Thai military has been arming and
helping members of the Shan State Army against the Wa and their drug
factories.
The Shan have for 40 years been fighting for independence from Burma,
but in recent months thousands of their people have crossed the border
into Thailand to escape attacks from the Wa aimed at driving them off
their traditional lands and expanding the drug-producing region.
There is no doubt the Shan army has been retaliating with strikes into
Burma from refugee camps in Thailand.
Burmese troops were in a running battle with one such Shan rebel group
on Feb. 9, when a barrage of mortar shells fell in the Thai town of Mae
Sai, killing three people.
Thai troops were quickly dispatched and discovered a contingent of
several hundred Burmese government soldiers inside Thailand.
In the engagement, 19 Thai soldiers were captured and held by the
Burmese who set up a defensive point on a hilltop.
The Thai captives managed to escape in the following hours and the
Bangkok army launched a full-scale assault on the Burmese, sweeping them
off the hilltop and back across the border. Scores of the Burmese
soldiers were killed in the battle.
In the days since the battle, both sides have heavily reinforced their
troops in the region. Rangoon is believed to have deployed its
well-armed Light Infantry Division. Bangkok has sent two armoured
regiments with about 100 light tanks, as well as holding on alert two
squadrons of fighter-bomber warplanes.
This bristling situation is now alive with flying barbed words. Burma
has accused the Thais of arming and supporting the Shan in an effort to
frustrate what Rangoon claims are its own efforts to stem the drug
trade.
Bangkok says it was a clear cut case of Burmese abuse of Thai
sovereignty. Thai newspapers have been full of more outraged invective
against the junta, even suggesting Thailand should withdraw from the
organization that has helped establish regional security over the last
three decades, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
Thaksin, the new Thai prime minister, has been forced to put off his
planned fence-mending visit to Rangoon and to distance himself from his
past close commercial relationship with the Burmese junta.
In one of those paradoxes of the human condition, a calming effect on
the situation may come from the new Thai defence minister, Chavalit
Yongchaiyudh.
Chavalit is a former army general who was prime minister in the 1990s
under the banner of his personal political party, New Aspiration.
Chavalit funded the party from the proceeds of hardwood timber smuggling
from Cambodia and Burma when he was a regional military commander. He is
a soldier who has always shown more interest in money-making than in
fighting.
This may prove a useful attribute in this situation, except -- and it's
a big caveat -- Chavalit is already being criticized publicly by senior
serving generals for appeasing the Burmese and demeaning Thailand's
national honour.
jmanthorpe@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
___________________________________________________
AFP: Cambodia doesn't need a Suu Kyi: Hun Sen
PHNOM PENH, Feb 22
Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen denied claims on Thursday from
opposition leader Sam Rainsy that officials were plotting to remove his
parliamentary immunity and have him jailed for slandering the king.
The last thing Cambodia needed was the international community seeing
Sam Rainsy as a Cambodian Aung San Suu Kyi, Hun Sen said in a speech
referring to the Myanmar democracy leader currently under de facto house
arrest in Yangon.
"As far as I'm concerned, Sam Rainsy should remain an MP and I will not
voice any support for the lifting of his immunity," said Hun Sen.
"If he were imprisoned he would be considered like Aung San Suu Kyi in
Myanmar. Therefore I need Rainsy to have freedom."
The Sam Rainsy Party sent a statement to news agencies on Thursday
claiming officials from Hun Sen's ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP)
were fabricating evidence to eliminate him as leader of the opposition.
"The latest trick the ruling CPP is planning ... is to frame him (Sam
Rainsy) and get him sentenced for the crime of lese-majeste" against
King Norodom Sihanouk.
A tape had been fabricated, it said, so that Sam Rainsy can be heard
saying "the king is a criminal."
In Cambodia it is illegal to say anything regarded as defamatory against
the monarchy.
The Sam Rainsy Party statement said two Khmer-language statements by
Rainsy had probably been spliced together; one in which Rainsy says "The
king is needed to guarantee peace in this country," and the other in
which he says "this country is a haven for criminals."
Hun Sen acknowleged to existence of "a tape," but denied any plan was
afoot to lift the opposition leader's immunity.
"It is true that we have received lots of documents, not just a tape ...
But Rainsy should be well looked after. He should remain the leader of
the opposition. If we lose Sam Rainsy, Hun Sen will also lose value,
therefore I want Sam rainsy to remain as a critic of the government.
___________________________________________________
___________________________________________________
Xinhua: Thai Defense Minister Blames Border Tension on Meeting
Suspension
BANGKOK, February 22
The border tension between Thailand and Myanmar was mainly attributed to
the suspension of the meeting of joint border committees of the two
neighboring countries for more than two years, Defense Minister Gen
Chavalit Yongchaiyudh said, the Thai News Agency (TNA) reported
Thursday.
The adjournment of the talks by the joint bodies for that long led to
the lack of good understanding and trust between the two nations,
Chavalit was quoted as saying on Wednesday.
Gen Chavalit, who is also deputy premier, said the bilateral relations
would strengthen and no conflict would occur should the joint committees
at all levels hold discussion at lease once a year.
Asked whether it is time for leaders of both countries to hold
discussion now, he said the border problem should be addressed through
talks by low-level officials first.
The minister said he believed the situation would improve soon and the
premier would visit Myanmar to discuss the problem once the government's
policy statement was delivered at Parliament.
He also blamed the border tension on ill-intent persons. They did not
want to see peace exist along the Thai and Myanmar frontier. But the
Thai government remains insistent on the need to strengthen friendship
with neighboring countries, said Chavalit.
Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was quoted as saying that he had been
informed of the clash between Myanmar soldiers and the Shan State Army
troops at the former's outpost opposite Mae Sai District of the northern
province of Chiang Rai.
The Thai military had been kept on alert to prevent the battle from
spilling over into the Thai territory.
Thaksin did not want the media and the public to worry too much about
the situation. The border problem would be solved sooner or later, he
said.
___________________________________________________
AFP: Myanmar needs external help to curb drugs, says UN body
Yangon, Feb 22
The United Nations International Drug Control Programme (UNDCP) lauded
the Myanmar junta's "real efforts" at addressing the problem of illicit
drugs and said they would be futile without external assistance.
The situational report was aimed at warning the world of "an impending
major drug crisis" which would not only "further erode the civil society
in Myanmar" but have adverse regional and international repercussions,
said local UNDCP representative Jean-Luc Lemanhieu.
"Urgent external assistance is thus a prerequisite to prevent an
impending domestic crisis with serious regional and international
implication," he said at a briefing session late Wednesday.
The report described the drug situation in Myanmar, a leading producer
in South-East Asia, as "intriguingly complex," attracting a lot of
adverse international media attention but hardly any financial
assistance.
The UNDCP said Yangon's willingness to curb opium production was real
but "limited domestic resources" and lack of "influence" over
opiate-producing ethnic minorities in remote regions made the job
difficult, despite cease-fire deals and promises of economic aid.
According to the report, the Myanmar government faced the added threat
of an amphetamine type stimulant (ATS) epidemic.
"Since the first successful interceptions in 1996, seizures in Myanmar
rocketed by a multiplier of five," it said.
If the international community did not "seize the opportunity", the
prospects for effective ATS control would be slim and Myanmar could
become the next leader on ATS in South-East Asia after China and
Thailand, the report said.
"No way Myanmar can tackle this issue alone," Lemanhieu said.
___________________________________________________
India Today: Myanmar-- General Partners
Swapan Dasgupta
After 40 years, India and its eastern neighbour are rediscovering each
other
A visit to the small and undistinguished mazar of the last Mughal ruler
of India, Bahadur Shah Zafar, in downtown Yangon, is semi-obligatory for
all visitors from the subcontinent. The leather-bound visitor's book in
the basement, adjoining the real tomb discovered during renovation work
in 1991, tells the story of the comings of South Asia's notables to the
Myanmar capital. From 1978 to 1998, the bulk of distinguished visitors
was from Bangladesh and Pakistan and included a disproportionate number
of senior military officers. From 1999, the trickle of Indian visitors
turned into a virtual flood of Delhi's officialdom and military brass,
culminating with External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh's visit on
February 15.
Not since Jawaharlal Nehru gifted Aung Sun, the father of free Myanmar,
an overcoat for his 1948 London visit and then dreamt Asian solidarity
with his successor U Nu, have Indo-Myanmar relations witnessed such a
high. After being out of each other's radar since General Ne Win drew
his country within a bamboo curtain in 1963, the neighbours have
rediscovered each other.
The 160 km Tamu-Kalemyo-Kalewa road which Singh inaugurated last week
with enthusiastic fanfare is symbolic. Built by India's Border Roads
Organisation at a cost of Rs 121 crore, the highway across the Kbaw
Valley links Imphal to the road to Mandalay. It follows the tracks of
the Burma Road which fell into disrepair and disuse after 1945. Now,
like the rest of Indo-Myanmar relations, it has been extricated from the
realms of archaeology. "It's a memorable day," said Singh with studied
understatement. "We conveyed a message-that land links us."
In the coming days that message may be reinforced. Apart from Moreh in
Manipur, border-crossing posts are planned in Champhal and Paletwa in
Mizoram and the Pangsau pass in Arunachal Pradesh. There is also an
ambitious plan to establish a riverine route through the Kaladan river
linking Mizoram with the port of Sittwe (Akyab). India has requested
permission for the reopening of its consulate in Mandalay, which could
perhaps lead to a reciprocal arrangement for Myanmar in Kolkata. The
unblocking of what Singh calls "the arteries of past commerce" could one
day even lead to the rebuilding of the Ledo road that linked Assam with
China some 50 years ago. Not to speak of a gas pipeline into India along
the Kaladan river.
The rediscovery of Myanmar is replete with expectations, a reason why
the grim reality of the Moreh-Tamu link fast emerging as a centre of
smuggling in Chinese electronic goods is glossed over. Despite teething
problems, both countries need each other. The convergence of national
interests override each other's imperfections.
Apart from geoeconomics, Delhi could do with Yangon's cooperation to
make life inhospitable for those insurgent groups who feel there are
permanent sanctuaries across the border. This includes Assam's ULFA, a
faction of the NSCN which operates in Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh and
the PLA and its offshoots in Manipur. Blessed with Chinese weapons, the
Indian insurgents have established links with ethnic rebels in Myanmar.
Though Yangon has entered into cease-fire agreements with 17 of its 18
rebel groups, it has not prevented the rebels from extending hospitality
to those fighting the Indian state. Singh raised this in his meeting
with the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) Chairman Senior
General Than Shwe, Vice-Chairman and Army chief General Maung Aye and
head of Military Intelligence General Khin Nyunt last week. Their
response is understood to have been very supportive.
That shouldn't come as a surprise. Apart from being wary of the ethos
governing the insurgents on both sides-particularly the inspiration they
draw from evangelists in the West-the military rulers of Myanmar
appreciate a neighbour that neither questions the country's territorial
integrity nor its abiding commitment to Buddhism. On both these counts,
the BJP-led dispensation is regarded as more kosher than its
predecessors which equated Indo-Myanmar relations with the fate of
opposition leader and Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. In harping on
civilisational links while complimenting the SPDC on its efforts at
national consolidation, the Indian political leadership has enhanced the
comfort level of the generals.
Indeed, an offshoot of the patient rebuilding of Indo-Myanmar ties since
1999 has even led to India being regarded as a counterweight to China.
While China's political and military links with the ruling SPDC are
formidable, there is a wariness on two counts. First, there is a fear of
China's connections with the ethnic rebels through the Communist Party
of Burma (CPB). Though the CPB withdrew from the fight in 1988 when the
regime was most beleaguered, it is seen as a reserve army of
subversives. Second, the near-organised influx of the Chinese into areas
bordering China is seen in Myanmar as an exercise in demographic
transformation. Read with the Islamic jehadi threat the regime perceives
in the Arakan region and the indignation it feels at the pro-democracy
hysteria generated by the West, the SPDC is in search of an affable
counterweight.
India wouldn't have fitted the bill earlier, obsessed as it was with
sanctimonious diplomacy. However, as the largest purchaser of Myanmar's
goods (25 per cent of exports) and a country with shared cultural
assumptions, economics, civilisation and pragmatism have produced a
happy blend. Handled with sensitivity, the convergence could now produce
dramatic results.
OLD ROUTES NEW LINKS
ROAD: The 160 km Tamu-Kalemyo-Kalewa road now links Imphal to Mandalay.
If the Ledo road is rebuilt, Assam will be linked with China.
CROSSING: Apart from Moreh, new points are to be established in Pangsau,
Champhal and Paletwa.
RIVER: The proposed Kaladan river navigation project could link Mizoram
to Sittwe (Akyab).
_______________ ECONOMY AND BUSINESS _______________
Myanmar Times: 8pc growth this year: forecast
Feb. 12-19 issue
SECRETARY-1, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, has predicted a positive economic
outlook and a minimum eight per cent annual growth rate over the April
2000-March 2001 fiscal year.Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt made his comments during a
pitch to trade and economic ministers from the BIMST-EC grouping, which
met for the third time in Yangon last week, to maintain their trend
towards greater economic cooperation with Myanmar.
?By the end of March this year, we will have completed the 1996-97 to
2000-01 short term Five Year Plan,? Secretary-1 said.?Against a Plan
target of six per cent GDP growth, we were able to achieve an average
annual growth of 7.2 per cent in the first four years of the Plan. ?In
this year, the growth is projected to be at least eight per cent,? he
said.He said his Government had made its achievements in isolation, but
looked forward to greater backing from other countries in the future.
?What?s more, the economic achievements prevailing currently are being
attained by our own efforts and without any assistance from abroad,? he
said.?At the same time, the country looks forwards to cooperating with
friendly nations for mutual benefits, offering vast prospects for doing
business in such sectors as agriculture, forestry, mining, livestock
breeding, industry, energy and service sectors and tourism.?We hope
Myanmar?s economic potential will contribute to regional
prosperity.?Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt said Myanmar economy had grown despite the
effects of the 1997 Asian financial crisis because of well-planned and
implemented Government policies.
_______________OPINION/EDITORIALS_________________
The Gazette (Montreal): Burmese deception
February 22, 2001
Burma's repressive junta has stopped spewing invective about Aung San
Suu Kyi, and is actually engaging in talks with the heroine of the
pro-democracy movement, whom it has kept under house arrest (formal or
de facto) for most of the past decade. By so doing, the junta obviously
is trying to improve its deservedly abysmal international image.
But it would be surprising indeed if the junta actually proves it is
serious about opening the way to meaningful political reform.
The government of Burma, also known as Myanmar, has one of the planet's
worst human-rights records. The country has been under military rule for
four decades. The current junta came to power after crushing
pro-democracy demonstrations that swept the country in 1988, killing at
least 3,000 unarmed activists in the process.
An election in 1990 was won in a landslide by Ms. Suu Kyi's National
League for Democracy, but the military refused to hand over power. Since
then, the regime has used various abusive, violent tactics to maintain
its grip, including torture, summary executions and the arbitrary arrest
and detention of citizens. Its reprehensible practices also include
forced labour.
The junta has used its political and military choke-hold on the country
for its own economic ends, as well. Burma's rulers control much of the
important economic activity in their country, something that has further
impoverished the majority of citizens.
So it probably would be wishful thinking to view the recent overtures to
Ms. Suu Kyi as any sign that the junta is about to see the light and
reform itself right out of office. More plausible is the suggestion that
it is merely trying to give wealthy countries that have imposed economic
and diplomatic sanctions an excuse to drop them. By making it look as if
reform is under way, the junta offers a reason to invest in the country.
The rest of the world, one hopes, knows better than to fall into such a
trap. Talks and a ceasefire in its war of invective against Ms. Suu Kyi
certainly are welcome. But pressure on the junta should continue, until
it really does step aside in favour of a democratically elected
government. After all they have suffered, Burmese deserve no less.
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